"Everything changes when you wake up in the morning and decide to own today. It will not be taken from you by anyone else, it will be yours"
Michael Meegan, Changing the World
www.michaelmeegan.net
www.eye-books.com
"When we feel overwhelmed by all the suffering in the world, or just drained by the stress of the day, do this. Close your eyes, breathe deeply, and know that the very breath you are taking is the same miracle of life that pervades all creation. He who gives you this breath, despite your anxieties, fears and pain, knows you. He knows you better than you will ever understand yourself. Breathe in, breathe out. You are experiencing the miracle. The most amazing miracle of all. The gift of life. All things will find harmony in this knowing, in this, is the whisper of not only all creation, but of the Creator"
Michael Meegan
"Your energy is powered by your thoughts, negative thoughts drain you, loving thoughts fill you with love"
Michael Meegan, The Tribe of one
www.eye-books.com
" when we really know ourselves, we forgive always"
Michael Meegan
ALL WILL BE WELL
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" If you really want to know who your friends are, see you stands by you in a storm"
Mike Meegan
" Remind yourself of your vision, keep your hopes close yo your heart, be passionate about them and alwaus, always always be true to them"
Michael Meegan
Changing the World
" The most important language of personal joy is the often complex linguistics of silence"
Michael Meegan
ALL WILL BE WELL
www.eye-books.com
Monday, July 25, 2011
Sunday, July 24, 2011
Culturally-based health promotion programmes Ronán M Conroy a Corresponding AuthorEmail Address, Michael Elmore-Meegan a
Culturally-based health promotion programmes
Ronán M Conroy a Corresponding AuthorEmail Address, Michael Elmore-Meegan a
Authors' reply
Sir—Our research was not run as a prospective study. Mortality data for the control areas were extracted from records by the Kenyan Ministry of Health at our request in 1999, when we were collating and analysing the records of the ICROSS traditional birth attendant programme. The control areas were not left without a traditional birth attendant programme as part of a controlled experiment. Rather, they had no programme because the Ministry of Health had neither the resources nor the expertise to launch and maintain such programmes.
The ICROSS programme, which is run in partnership with the Kenyan Ministry of Health, is supported by the Irish and Danish Governments. ICROSS has made several attempts to secure funding to extend the traditional birth attendant programme to other areas in Kenya, but to date these have been unsuccessful. Many bilateral donors have shifted funds away from supporting primary healthcare, perhaps partly because of lack of evidence that such support really improves community health. We hope that our results will help to highlight the untapped potential that is represented by the traditional healers and birth attendants in communities in less-developed countries. Rather than simply attempting to provide such communities with health services along more-developed-world lines, we should, in parallel, be developing and supporting the communities' indigenous health services.
a Department of Biostatistics, Royal College of Surgeons, Dublin 2, Ireland; and ICROSS Kenya, PO Box 506, Ngong, Kenya
Corresponding Author Information Department of Biostatistics, Royal College of Surgeons, Dublin 2, Ireland
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Mechanisms of Disease A new NOS2 promoter polymorphism associated with increased nitric oxide production and protection from severe malaria in Tanzanian and Kenyan children more information
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Ronán M Conroy a Corresponding AuthorEmail Address, Michael Elmore-Meegan a
Authors' reply
Sir—Our research was not run as a prospective study. Mortality data for the control areas were extracted from records by the Kenyan Ministry of Health at our request in 1999, when we were collating and analysing the records of the ICROSS traditional birth attendant programme. The control areas were not left without a traditional birth attendant programme as part of a controlled experiment. Rather, they had no programme because the Ministry of Health had neither the resources nor the expertise to launch and maintain such programmes.
The ICROSS programme, which is run in partnership with the Kenyan Ministry of Health, is supported by the Irish and Danish Governments. ICROSS has made several attempts to secure funding to extend the traditional birth attendant programme to other areas in Kenya, but to date these have been unsuccessful. Many bilateral donors have shifted funds away from supporting primary healthcare, perhaps partly because of lack of evidence that such support really improves community health. We hope that our results will help to highlight the untapped potential that is represented by the traditional healers and birth attendants in communities in less-developed countries. Rather than simply attempting to provide such communities with health services along more-developed-world lines, we should, in parallel, be developing and supporting the communities' indigenous health services.
a Department of Biostatistics, Royal College of Surgeons, Dublin 2, Ireland; and ICROSS Kenya, PO Box 506, Ngong, Kenya
Corresponding Author Information Department of Biostatistics, Royal College of Surgeons, Dublin 2, Ireland
Access this article on SciVerse ScienceDirect
Article Options
Full Text
PDF (66 KB)
Printer Friendly Version
Request permission
Export Citation
Create Citation Alert
Linked Articles
Correspondence Culturally-based health promotion programmes more information
Other Articles of Interest
Newsdesk President of Kenya proposes sex ban more information
News Tobacco sponsored Kenyan media awards provokes anger more information
News Kenya's government tackles influx of sub-standard drugs more information
News Women's groups in Kenya win small victory against female circumcision more information
Mechanisms of Disease A new NOS2 promoter polymorphism associated with increased nitric oxide production and protection from severe malaria in Tanzanian and Kenyan children more information
Bookmark
Delicious
Digg
StumbleUpon
Clearing the Fields: Solutions to the Global Land Mines Crisis
Clearing the Fields: Solutions to the Global Land Mines Crisis
edited by Kevin M. Cahill, 237 pp, paper, $25, ISBN 0-465-01177-2, New York, NY, BasicBooks, 1995.
Michael K. Elmore-Meegan, BPhEccl, MSc, TCD, PhD
[+] Author Affiliations
International Community for the Relief of Starvation and Suffering (ICROSS) Nyoonyorrie Mobile Unit Base Mbagathi, Kenya
Since this article does not have an abstract, we have provided the first 150 words of the full text.
Excerpt
The use of land mines has evolved from a predominantly defensive battlefield tactic designed to impede the movement of enemy artillery to an offensive weapon that terrorizes entire civilian populations. Clearing the Fields is the first serious attempt at exploring solutions and answers to a problem that kills hundreds of civilians every week around the world. Here is a book that should be read by every political and military decision maker.
Clearing the Fields is a rich source of up-to-date information. More than 100 million mines have been deployed in over 60 countries. In the former Yugoslavia an estimated 3 million mines have been planted without maps during the past four years, with 50 000 more hidden each week. In Cambodia one of every 253 people is an amputee. On average, antipersonnel mines can be bought for $10 to $20, with many available for less than $3. In contrast, it ...
edited by Kevin M. Cahill, 237 pp, paper, $25, ISBN 0-465-01177-2, New York, NY, BasicBooks, 1995.
Michael K. Elmore-Meegan, BPhEccl, MSc, TCD, PhD
[+] Author Affiliations
International Community for the Relief of Starvation and Suffering (ICROSS) Nyoonyorrie Mobile Unit Base Mbagathi, Kenya
Since this article does not have an abstract, we have provided the first 150 words of the full text.
Excerpt
The use of land mines has evolved from a predominantly defensive battlefield tactic designed to impede the movement of enemy artillery to an offensive weapon that terrorizes entire civilian populations. Clearing the Fields is the first serious attempt at exploring solutions and answers to a problem that kills hundreds of civilians every week around the world. Here is a book that should be read by every political and military decision maker.
Clearing the Fields is a rich source of up-to-date information. More than 100 million mines have been deployed in over 60 countries. In the former Yugoslavia an estimated 3 million mines have been planted without maps during the past four years, with 50 000 more hidden each week. In Cambodia one of every 253 people is an amputee. On average, antipersonnel mines can be bought for $10 to $20, with many available for less than $3. In contrast, it ...
Michael Meegan fly traps trachoma
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The Lancet, Volume 349, Issue 9055, Page 886, 22 March 1997
doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(05)61803-XCite or Link Using DOI
Fly traps
Mike Meegan a, David Morley a Corresponding Author, Desmond Chavasse a
Sir
Conroy and colleagues report (Dec 21/28, p 1695)1 suggests the value of plastic bottles in the disinfection of drinking water by sunlight to reduce the frequency of diarrhoea. We investigated the possibility of using these bottles to construct a simple fly trap
Flies are a major risk to health in many countries, but in some populations the use of pesticides is too expensive. Fly traps have been developed in Israel where traps are made commercially in Kibbutzim.2, 3 We suggest an alternative fly trap that can be made from used plastic drinking bottles in less than 1 h. Currently, 45 are in use among groups of Maasai who catch about 255 flies daily. We do not claim that this method of catching flies makes a substantial difference because of the large population of flies, but hope that other fieldworkers can improve on the design and find more effective but readily available baits.
The fly trap is shown in the figure. Slightly diluted paint is poured into the bait bottle and rolled around the lower two-thirds of the bottle. When the paint is dry, fly ports are cut in the bottle. A plastic tube is made from another bottle and fixed to the neck of the bait bottle. The upper end of the tube is narrowed so that flies can just squeeze through the hole. The lower end of the trap bottle is cut off and slits are cut so that it fits firmly onto the bait bottle. The trap is hung just off the ground in the semi-shade. In Israel, yeast with a small quantity of ammonium carbonate is used as the bait but the Maasai use goats' droppings together with cows' urine.
|
Journals
The Lancet
The Lancet Infectious Diseases
The Lancet Neurology
The Lancet Oncology
|
Specialties
|
Audio
|
Conferences
The Lancet Conferences
Conference Collaborations
Meet the Editors at Conferences
|
Education
At the Limits
The Lancet Seminars
The Lancet Core Clinical Collection
The Lancet Student
|
The Lancet Series
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Information for
Authors
Advertisers
Press
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Careers
The Lancet, Volume 349, Issue 9055, Page 886, 22 March 1997
doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(05)61803-XCite or Link Using DOI
Fly traps
Mike Meegan a, David Morley a Corresponding Author, Desmond Chavasse a
Sir
Conroy and colleagues report (Dec 21/28, p 1695)1 suggests the value of plastic bottles in the disinfection of drinking water by sunlight to reduce the frequency of diarrhoea. We investigated the possibility of using these bottles to construct a simple fly trap
Flies are a major risk to health in many countries, but in some populations the use of pesticides is too expensive. Fly traps have been developed in Israel where traps are made commercially in Kibbutzim.2, 3 We suggest an alternative fly trap that can be made from used plastic drinking bottles in less than 1 h. Currently, 45 are in use among groups of Maasai who catch about 255 flies daily. We do not claim that this method of catching flies makes a substantial difference because of the large population of flies, but hope that other fieldworkers can improve on the design and find more effective but readily available baits.
The fly trap is shown in the figure. Slightly diluted paint is poured into the bait bottle and rolled around the lower two-thirds of the bottle. When the paint is dry, fly ports are cut in the bottle. A plastic tube is made from another bottle and fixed to the neck of the bait bottle. The upper end of the tube is narrowed so that flies can just squeeze through the hole. The lower end of the trap bottle is cut off and slits are cut so that it fits firmly onto the bait bottle. The trap is hung just off the ground in the semi-shade. In Israel, yeast with a small quantity of ammonium carbonate is used as the bait but the Maasai use goats' droppings together with cows' urine.
Meegan Culturally-based health promotion programmes
Culturally-based health promotion programmes
J Jaime Miranda aEmail Address, Rosa Malca a, Eduardo Bedriñana a, Efraín Loayza a
Sir
Michael Elmore Meegan and colleagues (Aug 25, p 640)1 report a decrease in mortality rates due to neonatal tetanus in five Massai areas (sub-Saharan Africa) after introduction of a culturally-based health promotion approach.
Promotion activities were done by local community actors in the intervention areas, whereas in control areas, such activities were done by local Ministry of Health staff.
Although the study period was almost 20 years, the death rates in children younger than 6 weeks fell sharply after the first year of intervention and has not risen again in the past 11 years.
In view of such spectacular change, we wonder whether Meegan and colleagues promoted this approach to other communities, rather than just continuing with the analysis for such a long time. Moreover, we would like to know if they transferred this knowledge to local sustainable actors such as Ministry of Health bodies.
We disagree with the long observation period because the study control areas could have benefited from this culturally based approach for at least 11, if not 18, years.
Culturally-adequate approaches result in wider local acceptance and higher compromise with local actors, thereby providing greater chances of sustainability. Our experience with culturally adequate delivery services implemented on rural health facilities from the Peruvian Andes reflects this outcome. In Peru there is a high maternal mortality rate (around 215 per 100 000 by 2000). More than 80% of mothers die at home despite an adequate number of antenatal care visits.2 Women in the Andes generally delivered their babies at home because of fear and shame from using modern delivery methods that do not accord with local cultural beliefs.3 We took into account the requirements of rural people and negotiated with local Ministry of Health staff. So far, after 9 months of implementation, the number of institutional deliveries is rising, and is contributing to lower maternal mortality.
References
1 Meegan ME, Conroy RM, Lengeny SO, Renhault K, Nyangole J. Effect on neonatal tetanus mortality after a culturally-based health promotion programme. Lancet 2001; 358: 640-641. Summary | Full Text | PDF(59KB) | CrossRef | PubMed
2 Guerra V. Lucha contra la muerte materna, Ayacucho. Salud Para Todos 2001; 1: 6. PubMed
3 Investigation report: provision of culturally adequate sexual and reproductive health services in rural communities affected by violence. Ayacucho, Peru: Health Unlimited, Peruvian Programme, 2000.
J Jaime Miranda aEmail Address, Rosa Malca a, Eduardo Bedriñana a, Efraín Loayza a
Sir
Michael Elmore Meegan and colleagues (Aug 25, p 640)1 report a decrease in mortality rates due to neonatal tetanus in five Massai areas (sub-Saharan Africa) after introduction of a culturally-based health promotion approach.
Promotion activities were done by local community actors in the intervention areas, whereas in control areas, such activities were done by local Ministry of Health staff.
Although the study period was almost 20 years, the death rates in children younger than 6 weeks fell sharply after the first year of intervention and has not risen again in the past 11 years.
In view of such spectacular change, we wonder whether Meegan and colleagues promoted this approach to other communities, rather than just continuing with the analysis for such a long time. Moreover, we would like to know if they transferred this knowledge to local sustainable actors such as Ministry of Health bodies.
We disagree with the long observation period because the study control areas could have benefited from this culturally based approach for at least 11, if not 18, years.
Culturally-adequate approaches result in wider local acceptance and higher compromise with local actors, thereby providing greater chances of sustainability. Our experience with culturally adequate delivery services implemented on rural health facilities from the Peruvian Andes reflects this outcome. In Peru there is a high maternal mortality rate (around 215 per 100 000 by 2000). More than 80% of mothers die at home despite an adequate number of antenatal care visits.2 Women in the Andes generally delivered their babies at home because of fear and shame from using modern delivery methods that do not accord with local cultural beliefs.3 We took into account the requirements of rural people and negotiated with local Ministry of Health staff. So far, after 9 months of implementation, the number of institutional deliveries is rising, and is contributing to lower maternal mortality.
References
1 Meegan ME, Conroy RM, Lengeny SO, Renhault K, Nyangole J. Effect on neonatal tetanus mortality after a culturally-based health promotion programme. Lancet 2001; 358: 640-641. Summary | Full Text | PDF(59KB) | CrossRef | PubMed
2 Guerra V. Lucha contra la muerte materna, Ayacucho. Salud Para Todos 2001; 1: 6. PubMed
3 Investigation report: provision of culturally adequate sexual and reproductive health services in rural communities affected by violence. Ayacucho, Peru: Health Unlimited, Peruvian Programme, 2000.
Meegan Sex Workers in Kenya, Numbers of Clients and Associated Risks: An Exploratory Survey
Sex Workers in Kenya, Numbers of Clients and Associated Risks: An Exploratory Survey
Purchase
$ 31.50
Michael Elmore-Meegana, Ronán M ConroyE-mail The Corresponding Author, b and C Bernard Agalac
a Director, ICROSS, Ngong Hills, Kenya
b Lecturer in Biostatistics, Department of Epidemiology and Public Health Medicine, Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland, Dublin, Ireland
c Research Assistant, ICROSS, Ngong Hills, Kenya
Available online 18 May 2004.
Abstract
In Kenya in 1999, an estimated 6.9% of women nationally said they had exchanged sex for money, gifts or favours in the previous year. In 2000 and 2001, in collaboration with sex workers who had formed a network of self-help groups, we conducted an exploratory survey among 475 sex workers in four rural towns and three Nairobi townships, regarding where they worked, the number of clients they had and the risks they were exposed to. Participants were identified by a network of social contacts in the seven centres. Most of the women (88%) worked from bars, hotels, bus stages and discos; 57% lived with a stable partner and almost 90% had dependent children. In the previous month, 17% had been assaulted and 35% raped by clients. Unwanted pregnancy was common; 86% had had at least one abortion. Compared with women in rural towns, township sex workers were younger (median age 22 vs. 26), saw more clients (median 9 vs. 4 per week) and earned more from sex work (up to €63–90 vs. €12 per week). Issues of alternative sources of income, safety for sex workers and the conditions which create the necessity for sex work are vital to address. The question of number of clients and the nature of sex work have obvious implications for HIV/STI prevention policy.
Résumé
Au Kenya en 1999, on estimait que 6,9% des femmes avaient eu des relations sexuelles contre de l'argent, des cadeaux ou des faveurs pendant l'année précédente. En 2000 et 2001, en collaboration avec des prostituées qui avaient formé un réseau de groupes d'auto-assistance, nous avons mené une enquête auprès de 475 prostituées dans quatre villes rurales et trois bidonvilles de Nairobi, afin de déterminer pourquoi elles se prostituaient, le nombre de leurs clients et les risques auxquels elles étaient exposées. Les participantes ont été identifiées par un réseau de contacts sociaux dans les sept centres. La plupart des femmes (88%) travaillaient dans des bars, des hôtels, des gares d'autobus et des discothèques ; 57% vivaient avec un partenaire stable et presque 90% avaient des enfants à charge. Le mois précédant l'enquête, 17% avaient été battues et 35% violées par des clients. Les grossesses non désirées étaient fréquentes ; 86% avaient avorté au moins une fois. Comparées avec les prostituées rurales, celles des bidonvilles étaient plus jeunes (âge médian 22 contre 26), voyaient davantage de clients (valeur médiane 9 contre 4 par semaine) et leur activité rapportait davantage (jusqu'à 63-90€ contre 12€ par semaine). Il est vital d'étudier des questions comme les sources alternatives de revenus, la sécurité des prostituées et les conditions qui rendent la prostitution nécessaire. Le nombre de clients et la nature du travail sexuel ont des conséquences évidentes sur la politique de prévention du VIH/SIDA.
Extracto
En 1999, aproximadamente el 6.9% de las mujeres en Kenia informaron de haber intercambiado sexo por dinero, regalos o favores durante el año anterior. En 2000 y 2001, en colaboración con trabajadoras sexuales que habían formado una red de grupos de autoayuda, realizamos una encuesta exploratoria entre 475 trabajadoras sexuales en cuatro pueblos rurales y tres municipios de Nairobi, respecto al lugar donde trabajaban, el número de clientes que tenían y los riesgos a los que se exponían. Las participantes fueron seleccionadas por una red de contactos sociales en los siete centros. La mayoría de las mujeres (el 88%) trabajaban en bares, hoteles, estaciones de autobús y discotecas; el 57% vivía con una pareja estable y casi un 90% tenía hijos dependientes. En el mes anterior, el 17% había sido asaltada y el 35% violada por sus clientes. El embarazo no deseado era común; el 86% había tenido por lo menos un aborto. Comparadas con las mujeres en los pueblos rurales, las trabajadoras sexuales de los municipios eran más jóvenes (edad promedio de 22 frente a 26), veían más clientes (promedio de 9 frente a 4 por semana) y ganaban más dinero realizando trabajo sexual (hasta €63–90 frente a €12 por semana). Es vital abordar las cuestiones relacionadas con otras fuentes de ingreso, la seguridad de las trabajadoras sexuales y las condiciones que crean la necesidad de realizar trabajo sexual. La interrogante del número de clientes y la naturaleza del trabajo sexual tienen obvias implicaciones para las políticas de prevención de las ITS/VIH.
Author Keywords: sex work; sexual violence; sexually transmitted infections; HIV; Kenya
Purchase
$ 31.50
Michael Elmore-Meegana, Ronán M ConroyE-mail The Corresponding Author, b and C Bernard Agalac
a Director, ICROSS, Ngong Hills, Kenya
b Lecturer in Biostatistics, Department of Epidemiology and Public Health Medicine, Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland, Dublin, Ireland
c Research Assistant, ICROSS, Ngong Hills, Kenya
Available online 18 May 2004.
Abstract
In Kenya in 1999, an estimated 6.9% of women nationally said they had exchanged sex for money, gifts or favours in the previous year. In 2000 and 2001, in collaboration with sex workers who had formed a network of self-help groups, we conducted an exploratory survey among 475 sex workers in four rural towns and three Nairobi townships, regarding where they worked, the number of clients they had and the risks they were exposed to. Participants were identified by a network of social contacts in the seven centres. Most of the women (88%) worked from bars, hotels, bus stages and discos; 57% lived with a stable partner and almost 90% had dependent children. In the previous month, 17% had been assaulted and 35% raped by clients. Unwanted pregnancy was common; 86% had had at least one abortion. Compared with women in rural towns, township sex workers were younger (median age 22 vs. 26), saw more clients (median 9 vs. 4 per week) and earned more from sex work (up to €63–90 vs. €12 per week). Issues of alternative sources of income, safety for sex workers and the conditions which create the necessity for sex work are vital to address. The question of number of clients and the nature of sex work have obvious implications for HIV/STI prevention policy.
Résumé
Au Kenya en 1999, on estimait que 6,9% des femmes avaient eu des relations sexuelles contre de l'argent, des cadeaux ou des faveurs pendant l'année précédente. En 2000 et 2001, en collaboration avec des prostituées qui avaient formé un réseau de groupes d'auto-assistance, nous avons mené une enquête auprès de 475 prostituées dans quatre villes rurales et trois bidonvilles de Nairobi, afin de déterminer pourquoi elles se prostituaient, le nombre de leurs clients et les risques auxquels elles étaient exposées. Les participantes ont été identifiées par un réseau de contacts sociaux dans les sept centres. La plupart des femmes (88%) travaillaient dans des bars, des hôtels, des gares d'autobus et des discothèques ; 57% vivaient avec un partenaire stable et presque 90% avaient des enfants à charge. Le mois précédant l'enquête, 17% avaient été battues et 35% violées par des clients. Les grossesses non désirées étaient fréquentes ; 86% avaient avorté au moins une fois. Comparées avec les prostituées rurales, celles des bidonvilles étaient plus jeunes (âge médian 22 contre 26), voyaient davantage de clients (valeur médiane 9 contre 4 par semaine) et leur activité rapportait davantage (jusqu'à 63-90€ contre 12€ par semaine). Il est vital d'étudier des questions comme les sources alternatives de revenus, la sécurité des prostituées et les conditions qui rendent la prostitution nécessaire. Le nombre de clients et la nature du travail sexuel ont des conséquences évidentes sur la politique de prévention du VIH/SIDA.
Extracto
En 1999, aproximadamente el 6.9% de las mujeres en Kenia informaron de haber intercambiado sexo por dinero, regalos o favores durante el año anterior. En 2000 y 2001, en colaboración con trabajadoras sexuales que habían formado una red de grupos de autoayuda, realizamos una encuesta exploratoria entre 475 trabajadoras sexuales en cuatro pueblos rurales y tres municipios de Nairobi, respecto al lugar donde trabajaban, el número de clientes que tenían y los riesgos a los que se exponían. Las participantes fueron seleccionadas por una red de contactos sociales en los siete centros. La mayoría de las mujeres (el 88%) trabajaban en bares, hoteles, estaciones de autobús y discotecas; el 57% vivía con una pareja estable y casi un 90% tenía hijos dependientes. En el mes anterior, el 17% había sido asaltada y el 35% violada por sus clientes. El embarazo no deseado era común; el 86% había tenido por lo menos un aborto. Comparadas con las mujeres en los pueblos rurales, las trabajadoras sexuales de los municipios eran más jóvenes (edad promedio de 22 frente a 26), veían más clientes (promedio de 9 frente a 4 por semana) y ganaban más dinero realizando trabajo sexual (hasta €63–90 frente a €12 por semana). Es vital abordar las cuestiones relacionadas con otras fuentes de ingreso, la seguridad de las trabajadoras sexuales y las condiciones que crean la necesidad de realizar trabajo sexual. La interrogante del número de clientes y la naturaleza del trabajo sexual tienen obvias implicaciones para las políticas de prevención de las ITS/VIH.
Author Keywords: sex work; sexual violence; sexually transmitted infections; HIV; Kenya
Africa on the Precipice: Perspective From South Africa-Reply Michael Elmore-Meegan, BPh, MSc [+] Author Affiliations International Community for the Relief of Starvation and Suffering Mbagathi, Kenya Since this article does not have an abstract, we have provided the first 150 words of the full text. Excerpt In Reply. —Walker et al make some very helpful points. There are complex differences between evolving African countries. South Africa's mortality rate for children under 5 years of age is 72 per 1000 live births compared with 180 in least-developed countries and a mean of 101 in developing countries.1 Forty-nine percent of South Africa's population is urbanized compared with a mean of 28% in sub-Saharan Africa,1 while the maternal mortality rate stands at 83% in South Africa and 600 for sub-Saharan Africa. In most of Africa, 80% of the population remains rural. It is a tribute to the great advances in South Africa that it is so nonrepresentative of most of the continent. Walker et al are, of course, correct that there must be a strengthening of health facilities and infrastructure; nor must we forget referral mechanisms and secondary care. A great failing of many donors and funding ...
Africa on the Precipice: Perspective From South Africa-Reply
Michael Elmore-Meegan, BPh, MSc
[+] Author Affiliations
International Community for the Relief of Starvation and Suffering Mbagathi, Kenya
Since this article does not have an abstract, we have provided the first 150 words of the full text.
Excerpt
In Reply. —Walker et al make some very helpful points. There are complex differences between evolving African countries. South Africa's mortality rate for children under 5 years of age is 72 per 1000 live births compared with 180 in least-developed countries and a mean of 101 in developing countries.1 Forty-nine percent of South Africa's population is urbanized compared with a mean of 28% in sub-Saharan Africa,1 while the maternal mortality rate stands at 83% in South Africa and 600 for sub-Saharan Africa. In most of Africa, 80% of the population remains rural. It is a tribute to the great advances in South Africa that it is so nonrepresentative of most of the continent.
Walker et al are, of course, correct that there must be a strengthening of health facilities and infrastructure; nor must we forget referral mechanisms and secondary care. A great failing of many donors and funding ...
Michael Elmore-Meegan, BPh, MSc
[+] Author Affiliations
International Community for the Relief of Starvation and Suffering Mbagathi, Kenya
Since this article does not have an abstract, we have provided the first 150 words of the full text.
Excerpt
In Reply. —Walker et al make some very helpful points. There are complex differences between evolving African countries. South Africa's mortality rate for children under 5 years of age is 72 per 1000 live births compared with 180 in least-developed countries and a mean of 101 in developing countries.1 Forty-nine percent of South Africa's population is urbanized compared with a mean of 28% in sub-Saharan Africa,1 while the maternal mortality rate stands at 83% in South Africa and 600 for sub-Saharan Africa. In most of Africa, 80% of the population remains rural. It is a tribute to the great advances in South Africa that it is so nonrepresentative of most of the continent.
Walker et al are, of course, correct that there must be a strengthening of health facilities and infrastructure; nor must we forget referral mechanisms and secondary care. A great failing of many donors and funding ...
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